XUN KUANG

A woodcut portrait of Xun Kuang holding a bundle of bamboo strips which before the invention of paper were used for writing books. Xun Kuang's works occupied 32 such bundles when Liu Xiang first edited them about 25B.C.

Xun Kuang was born about 310 in the state of Zhao. He is often called Xunzi, "Master Xun" and also called Xun Qing, "Minister Xun," after the office he once held. We know that he was precocious and traveled from his native Zhao to the state of Qi when only fifteen to pursue his studies in the intellectual center of ancient China, the Jixia Academy. As a young scholar Xun Kuang lived in a world that delighted in skill, virtuosity, and cleverness in debate. He was obliged to master the doctrines of the many schools, the forms of argumentation, and the techniques of rhetoric at which the Jixia scholars excelled. It was the custom of the day for scholars to offer advice to rulers in the form of a reasoned argument that showed the utility of the plan presented, appealed to historical precedent, and showed the futility of other lines of action. These formal arguments were called shuo, or "persuasions," since their intent was to persuade a high minister or ruler to adopt a particular course of action. His studies complete, Xun Kuang first enters history with a persuasion addressed to the Prime Minister of Qi, Tian Wen, the Lord of Mengchang and Duke of Xue, a famous patron of learning. Since Tian Wen was at the height of his power and influence in the very years when Xun Kuang was in Qi, it was natural that Xun should seek him out to offer his talents and philosophy. But Xun was to be bitterly disappointed by his failure to influence Tian Wen and that disappointment is evident in many of his books.

Xun Kuang as Young Philosopher in Qi, 295-284. Xun Kuang believed that Tian Wen exploited the flawed character of King Min to his own advantage. King Min was a megalomaniac. Ambitious and ruthless, he alienated the other states, his own family including Tian Wen, and his people. The hostility between Tian Wen and the King crystallized the opposition against the king. Tian Wen used his diplomatic skills to form a coalition against King Min. To Xun, this indicated that Tian Wen was a man utterly without scruples who schemed in behalf of his private interests by deceiving his king. They came to symbolize for him the wicked kings and unscrupulous ministers of his own day whose conduct was marked by "expediency and opportunism." Internal dissension in Qi made the time ripe for a coup de grace. This happened in 284, when, at the head of the combined armies of the states of Yan, Qin, Wei and Zhao, General Yue Yi, invaded Qi, crushed the army led by Viscount Xiang who escaped in a single chariot, and forced King Min to flee. During the chaos that ensued, the scholars of the Jixia Academy scattered. Some had left before, finding their criticism to no avail. "Shen Dao and Master Jie disappeared. Tian Pian went to Xue. Xun Qing proceeded to Chu. Not a single good minister remained in the country."

In addition to delivering the persuasion to the prime minister of Qi, as a young philosopher in Qi, Xun Kuang probably wrote three of his books: "Dispelling Blindness," and "Rectifying Theses," which offers his first criticism of the Jixia scholars; and "On Confucius." The first two of these books demonstrate the subtlety of his reasoning and reflect the same intellectual milieu as the persuasion for Tian Wen. "On Confucius," which states Xun's early political doctrines through the standard contrast made by the Ru, as the adherents of Confucius styled themselves, between the way of True Kings and that of the lords-protector. His criticism of the lords-protector in favor of the founding kings of the Zhou dynasty bespeaks his early dependence on the traditional formulas of Ru political doctrine. The three works, and the persuasion, present Xun Kuang as a fully mature scholar, accomplished in debate, master of the Ru tradition, and anxious to show wherein conflicting views go wrong.

Xun Kuang in Chu, 284-275. Leaving Qi about 284, Xun Kuang traveled to the southern state of Chu. Whereas we have detailed knowledge of the major intellectual figures at the Jixia Academy, we know little of those at the cultivated and wealthy court of Chu, whose rulers had long patronized learning. Though vast and large, Chu was ineptly governed and suffered constant encroachments from Qin. From his experiences there, Xun drew important lessons for his political philosophy and became convinced that Qin was in a position to conquer all of China. During his stay in Chu, Xun Kuang's mature philosophy begins to emerge and after his visit he makes use of Chu's shortcomings as cautionary examples to other states similarly disposed.

It seems probable that it was during this visit to Chu that Xun Kuang first became acquainted with the logical doctrines of the Mohists, who were particularly active in the south. We may presume that Xun's philosophy underwent considerable development in the milieu of Chu, although there is little in his works which, at present, can be directly dated to this period. Since Xun was considered an "eminent scholar" on his return to Qi, his reputation must have been established by the works he produced in Chu. On varying grounds, we can associate the following works with Xun Kuang's stay in Chu: "Exhortation to Learning"; "On Self-cultivation"; "Enriching the State"; "Discourse on Ritual Principles"; and "On the Gentleman." These books concern traditional Ru topics. As a group they occupy an intermediate position between that illustrated in such early works as "Dispelling Blindness" and later works directly datable to his return to Qi.

As a Senior Scholar at the Jixia Academy, 275-265. Shortly after the new king of Qi expelled the invaders from Yan, he attempted to restore the Jixia Academy to its former prestige, granting the title "distinguished grand officer" to the scholars he attracted. Since Xun was at the time the "most eminent elder scholar," King Xiang had him "thrice make the sacrifice of wine." It was ritual practice that in the feasting accompanying sacrifices to the ancestors, the most honored member of the party officiated at the ceremony. Thus, Xun was three times selected to hold the place of preeminence among the distinguished grand officers. This possibly means that he was Head of the Academy during this period.

Considering the honors paid him by the King Xun's prestige must have equaled that of the most important figures of the day who, like Xun, were associated with the Academy. Tian Pian and Shen Dao were probably dead, but Huan Yuan, Yin Wen, and Chen Zhong were presumably still active there and must have been his principle rivals. Near the end of his tenure, Zou Yan and Zou Shi had perhaps arrived. Xun Kuang's mature philosophy is to be found in five works that probably date from this period: "Of Honor and Disgrace"; "Of Kings and Lords Protector"; "Discourse on Nature"; "Discourse on Music"; and "Man's Nature is Evil."

Xun Kuang in Qin, 265-260. In his years as the "most eminent elder scholar" at the Jixia Academy, Xun Kuang established the reputation that would ultimately bring him such talented students as Han Fei and Li Si. We do not know how long Xun Kuang remained in Qi at the Academy, but eventually he was slandered and began to entertain invitations from other feudal lords. The likely time for this to have happened is at the end of 265 when King Xiang died and King Jian succeeded him. Xun Kuang would now be in his mid-forties, having established a solid reputation, written significant books, and thrice been libationer at the Jixia Academy. He had not yet been entrusted with any office, but was consigned only to debate and deliberate what should be done. It was the lot of philosophers, good and bad, to be "traveling persuaders" who went from court to court and patron to patron. Xun Kuang must have hoped that his eminence in Qi would result in an office, but it did not. Now at mid-life he faced the prospect of joining the ranks of the unemployed scholars compelled to travel from court to court.

Xun Kuang's eminence at the Jixia Academy probably enabled him to receive invitations to visit the courts of other rulers, and it is apparent from his works that he visited at least Qin and Zhao. From Qi, the sources tell us that Xun Kuang went to Qin. His journey to Qin presented both an opportunity and a challenge: the opportunity to convert the king of the most powerful country to the practice of True Kingship and thereby to establish the new dynasty to succeed the decrepit Zhou; and the challenge to make Ru doctrines attractive to the king of Qin who was wedded to the practical, strict philosophy of government created by Shang Yang.

When Xun Kuang came to Qin, he had an audience with Fan Sui, the Marquis of Ying, who was the prime minister. Xun Kuang may have met Fan Sui some years before when Fan Sui had been part of a diplomatic mission from Wei to King Xiang of Qi. At that time, Fan Sui attracted King Xiang's attention as a gifted practitioner of the art of philosophical debate. Their association perhaps renewed, the Marquis of Ying asked Xun what he had observed since he first entered the borders of Qin. Xun's response, though couched in the polite and deferential language required when addressing the chief minister of a powerful state, showed how impressed he was with what he had seen. When he subsequently had an audience with King Zhaoxiang of Qin (r. 306-251), Xun Kuang pursued the point that Ru scholar-philosophers were necessary to the attainment of True Kingship. Though all the rulers of the day called themselves "king," they had no right to the title since they could not and did not claim to have received any Mandate from Heaven such as justified the Zhou dynasty and before it the Xia and Shang. Their title was an empty pretension without recognized authority. A True King was universal, he ruled with the assent of the people and not through force of arms, and he received a Mandate from Heaven that entitled him to rule.

Xun Kuang came to Qin as an orthodox, though sophisticated, Ru philosopher. His merit consisted in his ability to answer the arguments of the Jixia scholars while retaining traditional Ru values. His thought was broader, more complex, and more systematic than that of his predecessors. Had he undergone no further change, he might be remembered as a pessimistic Mencius because of his doctrine that man's nature is evil. His stay in Qin changed all that. His orthodox and glib adherence to the model of antiquity, his faith in the Early Kings, his stress on ritual, and his distrust of all created, positive law would all be challenged by the example of Qin. It had all the appearances of a well-ordered state. Even the example of Confucius in Lu hardly exceeded it. Yet it possessed none of the values transmitted from the Ancient Kings. How, then, could such order have been produced in Qin? It was a question that required Xun Kuang to reexamine his whole philosophy. The visit to Qin and the events that he witnessed on his return to his native Zhao shattered the world that, even after King Min's demise, still permitted the comfortable Ru confidence that moral suasion alone could transform the age. When Xun Kuang left Qin, he was about 50. He had not held even a minor office. He had never had any opportunity to test his views. His successes were all as a gifted philosopher and scholar. He still had been allowed only to deliberate, but never to govern.

At the Court of the Lord of Pingyuan, 260-255. Xun Kuang left Qin at a critical juncture. Qin had begun a major campaign against his native Zhao. By 261, when Xun Kuang was still there, Qin had so extended its domains that it had an effective border with Qi and, having seized Weijin, was within 40 miles of the Wei capital Daliang. In 260, when Qin began its campaign, the Zhao army took up positions at Changping, where after months of skirmishes, Qin gained the advantage and forced the surrender of the entire army, some 400,000 soldiers, who were buried alive except for 240 of the smallest, who were allowed to return to Zhao. The defeat was devastating to Zhao, which was left defenseless and unable to raise another army. The final step in the campaign of destruction against Zhao was to be the siege of its Handan. The threat that Qin's aggression posed was clear to all, since these moves were the deliberate policy of Fan Sui.

Xun Kuang's book, "Debate on the Principles of Warfare," records a debate he had with a Zhao general of the time before the king of Zhao about what should be done in the emergency. This book is distinctive in treating warfare which is usually thought to be unmentioned, or even avoided, in the books of Ru scholars. A second book, "On the Way of Ministers," can be also dated to the siege of Handan. In it, he discusses the skill of the Lord of Pingyuan, who was able "to assemble the wise and to collect the strong together" and to secure the aid of "strong and martial lords," so that even though the King of Zhao was insecure, incapable, and would not listen, he still was able "to rescue the state from the greatest of calamities and to deliver it from danger of the greatest injury." Assisted by the Lords of Xinling and Chunshen, the Lord of Pingyuan was able to lift the siege and save the kingdom of Zhao. Xun Kuang concludes that his actions in the crisis surrounding the rescue of Handan and the salvation of Zhao from impending annihilation show that the conduct of the Lord of Pingyuan may be said to have fulfilled the principle that "one should follow the Way and not follow the lord."

In addition to the "Debate on the Principles of Warfare" and "On the Way of Ministers," it seems probable that Xun Kuang completed his "On the Regulations of a King," and his "On Attracting Scholars," both of which he probably had begun in Qin. The most important of his works to be associated with his stay in Qin and Zhao is "Contra Twelve Philosophers," which reflects the intellectual milieu that Xun Kuang found in the court of the Lord of Pingyuan. The many figures active at the court of the Lord of Pingyuan were all scholars who, except perhaps Yu Qing, opposed Xun Kuang's fundamental beliefs. He criticized their views and castigated those who debased the Ru heritage by allowing such ideas to be associated with the name of Confucius. His stay in Zhao represents the transition to his late philosophy.

Magistrate of Lanling, 255-238. Just after the siege of Handan was lifted, Xun Kuang had his first and only opportunity to implement his policies. Huang Xie, the Lord of Chunshen, impressed with his abilities, offered Xun Kuang the position of magistrate of Lanling. Xun may have come to the attention of Huang Xie when he was a diplomat from Chu in Qin at the same time as Xun's visit there, but more probably they became acquainted in the aftermath of the siege when both were in Handan. His appointment as magistrate is the only firm date in Xun Kuang's life; for it occurred in 255. It would appear that from 255 to 246 Xun Kuang passed his life uneventfully in Lanling teaching his students. But sometime between 246 and 240, a retainer persuaded Chunshen to dismiss Xun Kuang. Regretting his decision, Chunshen invited Xun Kuang back. When Xun declined with a bitter letter that outraged the powerful lord, Chunshen nonetheless again summoned him to return to Lanling. "Because he could not avoid it," Xun resumed his post, which he kept until the assassination of Chunshen in 238, when he was again dismissed.

Xun Kuang no doubt believed that if given a chance to implement his philosophy, he would be able to make significant changes. It was a cardinal belief of the Ru scholars, which Xun firmly held, that in three years major changes could be wrought. He had told the King of Qin of the extraordinary changes produced by Confucius in just three years as director of crime. He had personally witnessed the remarkable changes accomplished by the New Laws of Shang Yang in Qin. These laws did not follow the correct model, yet the results were impressive. How much more might be done following the model bequeathed from the sages! Although Lanling might be small, it was large enough. Even though Xun was then in his mid-sixties and no longer in his prime, he was now at last afforded an opportunity to demonstrate the effectiveness of his teachings. We have no indications of his successes as Magistrate. Liu Xiang thought that had Xun been made a high officer, his lord might have become a universal king. Four of Xun's most important books probably date to this period: "Nothing Indecorous"; "Contra Physiognomy"; "On the Correct Use of Names"; and the "Rhyme-Prose Poems."

Retirement in Lanling, 238-220(?). The Lord of Chunshen was assassinated in 238. Chunshen had been prime minister of Chu for more than twenty years. During most of that time he had been the de facto king. When the old titular king became ill, Chunshen was presented with an opportunity to became regent. Zhu Ying, however, warned him that Li Yuan was plotting a palace coup to seize the government. Chunshen chose to ignore the counsel, dismissing Li Yuan as a weak and ineffective man. Zhu Ying, realizing that disaster was imminent, fled. Seventeen days later the king died; Li Yuan sprang his coup, sent a suicide squad to ambush Chunshen, killed him, and wiped out his whole family.

The Lords of Pingyuan, Xinling, and Chunshen had by their joint action at the siege of Handan, given the Central States twenty years of relative peace from the depredations of Qin. When in 247 Qin invaded Wei, Xinling, in command of the combined armies of five states, crushed the Qin army and pursued it as far as the Hangu Pass which guarded entry into Qin proper. But by expedient of simple bribery, Qin was successful in getting Xinling removed from his command. He died in 244. Now with the assassination of Chunshen not a single great minister remained to oppose Qin. The end only awaited its action.

Xun Kuang was devastated and demoralized by Chunshen's assassination. He was instantly dismissed from office, but far worse he realized that the last hope was gone. His thoughts are expressed in a collection of poetic laments based on a working-song meter, "Working Songs."

Remembering his old teacher, now in his nineties, the Chancellor of Qin, Li Si, under whom China had been unified into a single state, offered him a nominal position, but "prescient that he would fall into unfathomable disasters" Xun Kuang "would not take office under Li Si." Later in 211, at the height of his career, during a banquet in his honor, Li Si suddenly speculated about his final end, recalling the advice given him by his teacher:

Sometime during these years Xun Kuang died a very old man, in his late nineties or possibly a hundred years old.

For a select bibliography of Western language works on the Xunzi click button

For a translation and annotated critical edition of Book 6 of the Xunzi, the "Fei shier zi" click button

CAUTION: The file which follows requires a Chinese display program such as TwinBridge Partner. The character codes are Big-5. Without such a program, the file will be nonsense.

For a select bibliography of Chinese and Japanese works on the Xunzi click button

John Knoblock
Department of Philosophy
University of Miami
P.O. Box 248054
Coral Gables, FL 33124

Office: Ashe 723D
Messages: (305) 284-4757
Fax: (305) 284-5594
email address: knoblock@umiami.ir.miami.edu